This
past year I read the first volume of St. Augustine of Hippo’s City of God, the great theological opus
by one of the great Doctors of the Church.
Given that the entire City of God
is a 1000 pages or so, it’s not a surprise that William Babcock divided his
translation into two volumes. The first volume
is comprised of the first ten “Books” (what we might call chapters, Augustine
calls books), and it’s actually a very natural dividing point. Augustine himself divides his work at Book 10
as well. Part 1 deals with the pagan thought
and theology, while Part 2 deals with the Judeo-Christian thought and theology.
I’m
only going to compose this one post for this first volume. I may at some point post some notable quotes
from the book.
Two
cities are at the heart of this work, the city of man and the city of God. It should not be a surprise that Augustine
values the city of God over that of man, but how he gets there is a feat of extraordinary
composition. He reconstitutes all of
Greco-Roman history, theology, and philosophy and then deconstructs the
fallacies which led to the formation of the city of man.
The
occasion for writing City of God was
the sack of the city of Rome in 410.
Rome, as a physical polis, had already deteriorated by the beginning of
the fourth century. The capital of the
empire had been moved to Constantinople.
Even the center of the west had moved from Rome to Milan and Ravenna. The resources for maintaining the
infrastructure went elsewhere, and so it was an aging city. But psychologically it was still the eternal
city, the heart and soul of their culture, their founding roots.
So
when the news that their founding city had been sacked, pillaged, and
destroyed, it came as a trauma to their sense of being. It was akin to how we Catholics felt when the
Cathedral of Notre Dame burned and was thought to have been destroyed. It was a cultural symbol of all we hold dear
and share, and was a defining image of the decline we had been experiencing and
sensing. The sack of Rome by the
Visigoths was the first time the city of Rome had been invaded by outsiders in
800 years. That time before was by the
Gauls in 390 B.C, and Rome then vowed to never be weak again and to be on their
guard for any threatening force again.
It was that historical disgrace that generated an expansionist mentality
in the Roman culture through legends of how their lack of virtue had led to
that sack. Years later, Virgil would
take up the legend of their developed virtue and put forth that their empire
was a result of Roman virtue.
So
with any monumental failure, the politicians and, indeed, the voice of the
people sought blame. It had only been
less than a century since Rome had been Christianized, and the remaining
pagans, who looked at their glorious history before Christianity accused
Christianity as the root cause of the sack and increasing sense of a coming
fall of the west. [By the way, central
thesis of Edward Gibbons’s, The Decline
and Fall of the Roman Empire, a very famous work, is just that,
Christianity was to blame. Despite its
fame as a work of history, it’s dead wrong.]
The occasion for City of God,
begun in 412, then was a defense of Christianity against the charges of the
pagans. St. Augustine would complete the
work in 426.
William
Babcock quotes this from City of God
as its central thesis:
Two loves have made two
cities. Love of self, even to the point
of contempt for God, made the earthly city; and love of God, even to the point
of contempt for self, made the heavenly city. (XIV, 28)
Now
it’s not so simple to say that the earthly city stands for the pagans and the
heavenly city stands for the Christians—Augustine is way more complex than
that—but the earthly city does encapsulate those who lack virtue and the heavenly
city does encapsulate those who live by virtue.
And Augustine will argue, Christianity was the means of which virtue,
which had faded in pagan Rome, was re-introduced into society, and therefore
could not be the reason for the sack of Rome in 410.
Through
these first ten Books, Augustine takes us through the sordid Roman founding and
history. Augustine outlines the history
of Rome as a failure of the Roman people to maintain virtue, and that the
deities on which they believed failed first to provide a moral foundation and
second were actual examples of lack of virtue. The gods themselves were the
source of degradation. The gods then were no gods but demons. All the evils that occurred to the Roman
people prior to Augustus, and therefore prior to Christ, were never prevented
by the pagan gods, and at their root was the sinful, even shameful, nature of
the Roman people. Whatever success the
Roman people had could not be attributed to the pagan gods because the pagan
gods themselves lacked the virtue needed.
Whatever success the Roman people had could only be attributed to the
one true God for whatever purposes He had.
Just
as the pagan gods are rejected, so too is pagan theology examined and
rejected. Pagan theology fails to
instruct man to salvation, and therefore could not be the source of Roman
success. You could think of it as
coincidental but not causative. At the
heart of Augustine’s argument is that the pagan gods are false because as he
demonstrates they do not control the natural world. In every tenet pagan theology that Augustine
takes up he goes on to show either an inconsistency in logic, a lack of any
efficacy in the ritual, or a monstrous immorality with the gods and rituals. In
turn he concludes that the pagan gods are either just reflections of man’s
inner fancies or outright demons that have induced their worship.
Pagan
philosophy is also examined and refuted.
Augustine refutes the pagan philosophic underpinning to the divine,
first acknowledging the Platonists similarity to Christianity and then showing
they actually worship many gods. Augustine then turns to undermining the
validity of Apuleius’ claim that demons serve as intermediaries between gods
and men, and finally Augustine rebuts the Egyptian Hermes Trismegistus on his magical
creation of gods and how they are rooted in dead men, not a transcendent Being.
In
Book X’s closing paragraph, Augustine summarizes what he was trying to do in
Part 1 and projects what he will do in Part 2.
In these ten books, then,
even if less fully than a few people expected of us, we have satisfied the
desires of some, so far as the true God and Lord has deigned to give us his
help, by refuting the objections of the ungodly, who prefer their own gods to
the founder of the holy city which we have undertaken to discuss. Of these ten
books, the first five were written against those who suppose that the gods are
to be worshiped for the sake of the goods of this life, and the last five
against those who hold that the worship of the gods should be maintained for
the sake of the life to come after death. Next, as we promised in the first
book, I shall set forth, so far as I am aided by God, what I judge should be
said about the origin, the course, and the due ends of the two cities, which
are, as we have said, deeply interwoven and mixed together in this world.
So Augustine ends Part 1 by rejecting the pagan notion of sacrifice as a means
of obtaining happiness and showing how it is a dead end while Christianity the
true sacrifice was obtained by Christ the real mediator with God so that our
souls can ultimately reach beatific union. One can see how then it all fits
together.
I
have to admit I was intimidated to read this magnificent opus, but I found it
highly readable ad profoundly captivating.
But I am an ancient Roman history buff.
Perhaps it was this translation. I
can’t speak to the accuracy of Babcock’s translation—it does feel like
Augustine is writing, albeit in English—but it is well annotated, well
footnoted, and a real scholarly work. I can’t
wait to read Volume II.
###
Here
is what I composed as a short central thesis of each of the ten Books from
Volume 1. Of course it’s as I read it,
and so it may not be the perfect summary.
Book
I
My
take as the central thesis of Book I, then, is that the sack of Rome cannot be
seen as punishment from God because it is not clear that events in history can
be discerned to God’s will. Bad things
happen to good people, good things happen to bad people. Any event can be seen as a test from God, a
punishment from God, or a result of collateral damage of an overarching
movement of God’s will to shape history.
Book
II
Book
II was absolutely fascinating. Picking
up from Book I, where Augustine delineates historical events in the life of
Rome, showing that good and bad things happen to both good and bad people,
Augustine outlines the history of Rome as a failure of the Roman people to
maintain virtue, and that the deities on which they believed failed first to
provide a moral foundation and second were actual examples of lack of
virtue. The gods themselves were the
source of degradation. The gods then
were no gods but demons.
Book
III
I
would summarized Book III as the following: all the evils that occurred to the
Roman people prior to Augustus, and therefore prior to Christ, were never
prevented by the pagan gods, and at their root was the sinful, even shameful,
nature of the Roman people.
Book
IV
I
would summarized Book IV as the following: the success and happiness of the
Roman people had nothing to do with the pagan gods, who at best did not exist
and at worst were demons in disguise.
The success of the Roman people had to do with the one true God who
exists and is the source of all goodness.
Book
V
I
would summarized Book V as the following: Fate is an illusion because
individuals have free will, so Rome’s empire was not acquired from worship of
the Roman gods but because the one true God was pleased with Roman virtue and
therefore blessed the Roman people with an empire.
Book
VI
Book
VI still deals with the pagan gods, but now Augustine develops the philosophy
of Roman philosopher, Marcus Terentius Varro, and how his pagan theology fails
instruct on what leads men to salvation.
Augustine will show how Varro’s three forms of theology, mythic
(pertaining to stories of the gods) natural (pertaining to the nature of the
gods), and civic (pertaining the relationship of humanity to the gods).
Book
VII
This
chapter described rites and rituals of which I was never aware, and Augustine
presented the theology behind myths, at least as written by Varro, and as
interpreted by Augustine. In every tenet
of pagan theology that Augustine takes up he goes on to show either an
inconsistency in logic, a lack of any efficacy in the ritual, or a monstrous
immorality with the gods and rituals. In
turn he concludes that the pagan gods are either just reflections of man’s
inner fancies or outright demons that have induced their worship.
Book
VIII
In
Book VIII, Augustine refutes the pagan philosophic underpinning to the divine,
first acknowledging the Platonists similarity to Christianity and then showing
they actually worship many gods.
Augustine then turns to undermining the validity of Apuleius’ claim that
demons serve as intermediaries between gods and men, and finally Augustine
rebuts the Egyptian Hermes Trismegistus on his magical creation of gods and how
they are rooted in dead men. Augustine
concludes with rejecting the claim Christians worship martyrs in the same
way.
Book
IX
Augustine in this Book describes the nature of demons
as conceptualized by pagans, and shows they are not the equivalent of
angels. He shows that neither angels nor
demons are mediators to God, and that neither angels nor demons should be
worshipped in any way.
Book
X
In
this magnificent chapter, Augustine takes us from what is true happiness, that
is being united with God in love, through how the pagans and Platonists
(through the philosopher, Porphyry) have misunderstood union with God and
individual purity which brings us to God, and that the true source of are not
demons, who are working against that union, but Christ by His incarnation and
sacrifice. This was a super chapter that
put the entire Part 1 into context.